By Geoff Metcalf Richard Brookhiser, well known for his previous books, including
"Founding Father: Rediscovering George Washington," last year released
what may be the most insightful biography yet of one of America's most
misunderstood founders: "Alexander Hamilton, American."
He was interviewed by WorldNetDaily's Geoff Metcalf:
Question: When you start off your book, you reference
Hamilton's eulogy to Gen. Nathaniel Greene. I am a Rhode Islander by
birth and the first grammar school I attended was Nathaniel Greene
School.
Answer: Greene died shortly after the Revolutionary War. He
was one of our very best generals. He died young, of sun stroke.
This eulogy was delivered July 4th in New York City -- that was the
capitol of the country. Hamilton had been a colonel in the army on
Washington's staff and had known Greene.
What interested me in his eulogy was that he is talking about wars
and revolutions and upheavals of that time. And, he said that one
justification for the evils they produce is that they bring to a public
stage talents that otherwise might have lived their lives in obscurity
-- people who would have been in humble situations. In a war, in a
revolution, they can find an opportunity to make something of
themselves. He was saying this was the case with Greene. But, what he
didn't tell his audience was this was far more the case ...
Q: ... with him.
A: Exactly. This was a man who had not even been born here.
He had been born in the West Indies, on the island of Nevis, and raised
on the island of Saint Croix in the Virgin Islands. His parents were
not prosperous and their economic circumstances plunged over the course
of his life.
They were not married. His mother Rachel Fossett had been married to
a cotton planter in the islands and she had run away from him because he
was a brute. Then she took up with James Hamilton and they lived
together for twelve years and they had two sons but they were never able
to get legally married.
Q: So when they called him a bastard, they meant it.
A: And they were literally correct. John Adams called
Hamilton the "bastard brat of a Scotch peddler." Then, at the age of
nine, Hamilton's father abandons his family -- just moves out to another
island. Then when he is eleven, Hamilton's mother dies. So at the age
of eleven, Hamilton is a poor, illegitimate orphan working as a clerk in
a St. Croix counting house. And that's the background from which he
starts.
Q: ... before he went on to be a colonel on Washington's
staff for four years, a member of the assembly in New York, a
congressman, delegate to the Constitutional Convention and America's
first secretary of the treasury.
A: Yes. And also, planner and author of two thirds of the
Federalists papers. Whenever we look at his achievements and what he is
proposing, we always have to keep in our mind his background -- which is
this poor, stressful history on the margins of a wretched slave society.
Q: I'm a big Thomas Jefferson fan and Tommy and Al didn't get
along too well.
A: No, they didn't.
Q: They had divergent opinions about the way things ought to
be. I found it fascinating, given Hamilton's background, that he would
have been, frankly, such an elitist?
A: Well, his elitism is complicated. There are ways in which
he was. And he certainly constructed an economic system that favored
the wealthy and favored rich merchants. Of course, Thomas Jefferson was
a much richer man than Hamilton -- always had been. He was born at the
top of Virginia society and he died there. He died in debt, but that
was due to his own improvidence and not taking care of his own expenses.
But the kind of rich people Jefferson was comfortable with and liked
were rich planters like himself. Jefferson's model of American society
was that it should be rural. People should be farmers. And they would
be rich farmers, or middling or poor farmers, and then there would be
slaves and slave states that would work on the farms of rich farmers.
Q: What was Hamilton's view?
A: Hamilton wanted there to be more kinds of different things
going. He wanted there to be commerce and trade and he wanted there to
be manufacturing. This was something Jefferson didn't like, didn't
understand. Jefferson said, "Cities add no more to health of a country
than do sores to a body." That was Jefferson's view and Hamilton's was
very, very different.
Q: The ongoing debate they had -- although Jefferson arguably
won the debate at the time in the way the Constitution was framed, it
appears as if, through inertia, Hamilton's vision is more what we
ended-up with. How long did those debates continue about states rights
and federal control?
A: Well, they began early in the Washington administration.
Hamilton and Jefferson are both in George Washington's cabinet.
Washington picks Hamilton to be the first treasury secretary and he
picks Jefferson to be the first secretary of state. And every
subsequent cabinet has looked like a pick-up team after that start.
They get along all right, for about the first year and a half. Then, as
they get to know each other better, they figure they are really coming
from very different points on the political compass. Their
disagreements are what produced the first American two-party system.
Their disagreements continued until Hamilton died in 1804 and then
posthumously as party politics went on.
Q: Hamilton had his detractors beyond Jefferson and Aaron
Burr, who didn't like him ...
A: I'd say more than "didn't like him."
Q: Yeah, if you kill someone, it exceeds "dislike." I was
surprised by some of the language from people who historically we would
not consider mean-spirited. But he was called "little" by some people
in a demeaning way.
A: Yes, he was average height.
Q: About five seven?
A: Yeah, but he was slender, at a time when people tended to
run to fat. He always had a youthful air. He always looked younger
than he was until the very end of his life, when some tragedies
occurred, and then he aged very fast in his early forties. When people
called him "little," the other thing they were reacting to was that he
was a "know-it-all." Which he always was. He had a tremendously quick
mind. He could look at problems, grasp them and figure them out -- and
then he was always telling his answers to everybody.
A: James Madison didn't like him.
A: Well, he changed his mind. They worked together very
closely in the 1780s and on the run up to the Constitutional Convention.
During and afterwards, they were the two main advocates in the press for
ratifying it. It was Hamilton's idea that there should be a series of
essays in New York, which was a crucial state, on the edge and in need
of persuading. So, he looks for collaborators and he gets James Madison
and John Jay. Hamilton writes two thirds of the Federalists Papers and
Madison writes about the other third. Jay falls sick so he doesn't
write very many.
So they were allies then. But, when the new government gets up and
running, Madison is in Congress and then Madison starts to change his
tune.
Q: Why?
A: I think this is because Thomas Jefferson has come back to
the country. He has been in Paris in the 1780s as our ambassador. So
Jefferson is back on the scene and always exerts a tremendous influence
over Madison. So he starts pulling him away from his Hamiltonian
loyalties into a different course.
Q: In fact, Madison's left-handed compliment to Hamilton,
after he died, was, "If his theory of government deviated from the
Republican standard, he had the candor to avow it, and the greater merit
of cooperating in a system which was not his choice." Which kind of
underscores something I frankly didn't know before. And, that was that
Alexander Hamilton signed the Constitution but he really didn't believe
in it?
A: Well, everybody who signed the Constitution had problems
with it. There wasn't a single delegate in Philadelphia who got exactly
what he wanted out of the Constitution. Including James Madison. I
called it a left-handed compliment because, among other things, it is
not very candid.
Q: What do you mean?
A: Well, it implies that, while all the rest of us who were
on board really supported the document wholeheartedly, and yes Hamilton
was polite enough to help us, yet secretly he really disagreed. The
fact is, everybody at that convention had different ideas, they made
compromises and they didn't get what they wanted. James Madison offered
a plan at the start of the debates known as "The Virginia Plan," and the
final document that came out of there was very different from his plan.
I mean, he wanted the House to pick the Senate. He wanted both branches
to pick the President. It was quite different from what finally
resulted.
The other rhetorical trick in his compliment to Hamilton there was
that he and Jefferson and their friends said, and believed, that
Hamilton was secretly a monarchist. They thought his financial system
was intended to make the United States like Great Britain and to try to
put more power in the presidency and, ultimately, to make it a monarchy
that would make it a tool of Great Britain.
Q: Kind of like what we have now?
A: Yeah, but even more so. A literal monarchy. A guy that
would serve for life and then his son would follow him. Alexander
Hamilton fought for a republican form of government -- which is more
than James Madison or Thomas Jefferson ever did. He wore the uniform for
six years. He was a Colonel on Washington's staff. He had bullets shot
at him. He had horses shot out from under him in various engagements he
was in. He was a committed small 'r' republican every bit as much as
they were. Their notion that he was a monarchist was slimeball
politics. It was eighteenth century "spin".
Q: I have to ask you, because most people don't know much
about Aaron Burr and Alexander Hamilton, except that one guy shot the
other guy in a duel. What was their conflict?
A: They had known each other for many years. They were both
lawyers and they both lived and worked in New York City. They both were
involved in New York politics, on opposite sides of the partisan fence,
but they socialized together.
Burr was a veteran of the Revolutionary War, also a colonel. He had
been a very brave officer. He was a very intelligent and very charming
man. But Alexander Hamilton had always opposed his attempts to win
political office, whether he was running for senator, vice president or
governor of New York. And the reason was, he did not trust what Aaron
Burr would do with power when he got it. Jefferson even was more
trustworthy, in Hamilton's mind, because he knew what Jefferson would
do. Most of it would be wrong from his point of view, but Jefferson was
pretty explicit.
Q: He was consistent.
A: Yes, you would know where Jefferson was coming from. You
could even correct for Jefferson's behavior. Hamilton believed
Jefferson was a more cautious man than his rhetoric would lead you to
believe. So Hamilton had a pretty good idea of where Jefferson would
come down.
With Burr however, he had no idea. In fact, one of Burr's modern
biographers has said, "if you read all of Burr's correspondence, you
will find no discussion of political theory." There is a lot of
discussion of politics and politicking and how do we win this election
or how do we accomplish this or that. But here is no discussion of
political theory.
Q: Gee, again we come full circle to contemporary politics.
That's rather how it is now.
A: Right. It would be no surprise if these were the letters
of James Carville or Dan Rostenkowski. But this was at a time when
American politicians were serious intellectual men and they were
obsessed with political theory. So, the lack in Aaron Burr is striking.
Q: So Burr was more 'form' than 'substance'? Hamilton,
Jefferson et al were more 'substance' than form?
A: That's right. So Hamilton opposes Burr through one
election and another and this goes on for years. Finally, in 1804, Burr
is the vice president, but he knows he won't be elected president
because he has quarreled with Thomas Jefferson who is the president, so
he wants to run for governor of New York. He has another interest in
this, in that he is in terrible debt. So long as he is an office
holder, he can keep the creditors away from him. But once he goes back
to being a civilian, they are going to get him.
So, he runs for governor of New York and, once again, Hamilton
opposes him and Burr loses -- rather badly. Then, finally, after
opposition, Burr has had enough. He seizes on a newspaper story which
gives a rather garbled account of some bad things that Hamilton
supposedly said about him at a dinner party. He challenges Hamilton to
a duel ...
Q: Hold on, there is some fascinating subtext, a back-story
to this duel. Please share that?
A: There was another duel three years earlier. Alexander
Hamilton's oldest son, Philip, who was 19 years old, also got into a
political argument and was challenged to a duel. He went to his father
for advice. His father told him that, of course, as a gentlemen, he
must fight a duel but that it was immoral to kill your opponent in duels
so, therefore, he should waste his first shot. Nobody told Philip
Hamilton's opponent this. So Philip Hamilton was shot and killed at the
age of nineteen.
Also, Hamilton's second oldest child, his daughter Angelica, who was
seventeen, has a breakdown as a result. For the rest of her life, and
she lived into her seventies, she always referred to Philip Hamilton as
still alive. She could not accept his death. So in one stroke,
Alexander Hamilton loses his two oldest children and, I think, this
darkens the last three years of his life and affects his judgment.
Q: Okay, fast forward back to 1804.
A: It's 1804, and Burr has challenged Alexander Hamilton.
Hamilton agrees to go through with it. And, before the duel, he writes
a letter to his wife which should be opened in case he is killed because
she doesn't know what's going on -- very few people do. He writes that
if he is killed, the reason was because he felt he had to go through
with the duel because, again, that is what gentlemen do, but he felt it
was immoral to kill people in duels so he, too, would waste his first
shot.
Q: Did he in fact do that?
A: His shot went off in the air. Burr's hit him in the
stomach. They were fighting, by the way, on the same dueling ground
where Philip Hamilton had been killed, and they were using the same pair
of pistols. They belonged to Alexander Hamilton's brother-in-law.
Q: Where did Hamilton ever get the economic, financial and
even marketing insight to create the New York Stock Exchange and then
market the idea of investing in U.S. stocks so well that eventually they
could finance the entire Louisiana Purchase?
A: This is his big achievement. When Hamilton came in as
treasury secretary, the United States was close to being what we now
call a "Banana Republic." If we had kept on the course we were on, the
term would have become "Maple Republic" and we would have been the first
example of it. Our debts were trading in European money markets at 25
percent of their value when he came in. When he left as treasury
secretary, they were trading at 110 percent of their value. European
money men were paying a premium to hold our debt. That is how well he
had gotten a handle on the problem.
Q: Where did he find the genius to do that?
A: It is partly his youthful experience. He worked as a
clerk in a merchant house in St. Croix in the Virgin Islands. Since he
was a kid, he had a view of this world. He saw it from the bottom up --
from the inside -- and it looked good to him. That's how he got out of
the islands and that's how he got sent to New York City to be educated
by his boss.
Then, when he was serving in the army on Washington's staff, he just
read every book on economics and economic problems he could get his
hands on. His stimulus there was that, as an Army officer, he had a
front row seat as to how badly America's finances were being handled.
The army was suffering the brunt of it -- not getting shoes, not getting
supplies, not getting paid.
So, by the time he was 32 years old and Washington was looking for a
treasury secretary, Robert Morris, who was one of the premier financiers in
America and who didn't want the job, told Washington that Hamilton was
"damn sharp." Washington knew this already from working with him but
Morris confirmed that Hamilton had been studying this area.
Q: What were Hamilton's views of tariffs and the protection of
American business?
A: Hamilton was in favor of moderate protections for new
industries. He thought once they were established, the protections
should be withdrawn. He was neither a complete free trader nor was he a
protectionist of the kind that America developed in the 19th century.
Q: We talked about his detractors. Hamilton has some
heavyweight supporters as well.
A: Well, George Washington was probably his most important
one. He knew Hamilton for the last 22 years of his life and, although
they did quarrel at times, Washington always defended him. I think the
most moving thing I saw was to go over to Weehawken, where his duel with
Aaron Burr occurred. All that is there now is a little park and a flag
pole and a little bust of him on a pillar. There is not much to see.
It is not even the exact site.
But if you cross the Hudson River, what you see is the whole
Manhattan skyline, from the World Trade Center right on up through all
the great skyscrapers. And, you feel that if Hamilton could be brought
back to that spot and see it today, he would say, "This is the kind of
country I wanted to build. This is why I came here when I was 15. Make
use of these opportunities."
Q: What ever happened to Aaron Burr?
A: Aaron Burr served out his term as vice president. He was
tried for treason on an unrelated matter having to do with whether he was
plotting to split the western United States off and set-up a country of
his own. He was acquitted. Then he spent some time in Europe, came
back and spent some time in New York as a lawyer and, at the end of his
life, he married a rich widow. He began running through all her money
and she divorced him on his deathbed.
Alexander Hamilton -- the man on the $10 bill, who signed the
Constitution, authored roughly two thirds of the Federalist Papers,
served in Washington's army as a colonel, was a New York assemblyman, a
congressman and at the age of 32 became America's first treasury
secretary -- was at the age of 11 a poor, illegitimate orphan from the
West Indies.